The origin point for examining electoral system changes inGreece is the electoral reform which was passed of Konstantinos Karamanlis in1974. The primary democratically elected government since 1967 was establishedin 1974 under a complicated of ‘reinforced’ proportional representation. The’Reinforced’ proportional representation system, as enforced in 1974, was amultilayer hybrid electoral system that connected components of plurality andproportionality yet with a benefit to the first-past-the-post party.
The votingmethod now used in Greece is still described ‘reinforced’ proportionality witha majority-bonus. The 1974 electoral reform was based on the choosing systemapplied in Greece before the dictatorship. In the period before thedictatorship (1946-1967) the elections in Greece were mainly held under variousforms of proportional representation.
1985 system (Reinforced PR system) Primary Distribution ofSeats: the state is divided into 56 lower districts. chairs are disbanded, inall lower region, between entire alternatives: independent nominees, singleparties, and cartels of 2 or more parties. The dispersion is made according tothe aggregate count of votes. In regions with size greater or equivalent to 2,and those are the multi-member regions, chairs are dedicated according to theDroop quota. In all lower region Droop quota is calculated. the aggregate countof the valid votes, in all region, disunited by the district size increased byone (‘sin ena’).
The aggregate count of valid votes, for every party, and forevery six regions, is disunited by the Quota of the region. Each party occupiesas many seats, in a district, as many times the quota is contained in theparty’s total valid votes of this district. An independent candidate takes oneseat in a lower district only if its total valid votes in this district isgreater or equal to the droop quota. In a region, the ‘surplus’ chair isremoved from the party with the minimum the remainders. The remainders are theseats that have not been used for the allocation of the seats. In case two ormore parties have the same remainder, the selection of the party is done randomly. Secondary Distribution of Seats: The distribution is carriedout in 9 Major Districts. Each one of them comes from the aggregation of four,five or even ten lower districts.
cartels and single parties of more than 2parties get the role in the allocation of the chairs, while independentnominees are excepted.The available seats from the primary distribution areaggregated in each major district. A new quota is defined in each majordistrict. It is the rate of the aggregate suffrages, for the parties takinglocation in this dispersion, disunited by the respective vestigial chairs inevery great region(Hare). Each party takes as many seats in a district as thetimes the quota is contained in the party’s total valid votes of this district.Parties are dedicated as very chairs as they have won quotas.Tertiary Distribution of Seats: The parties, whichparticipate in this distribution, are also those who took part in the secondarydistribution.
Therefore independent nominees are excluded. This distribution isdone throughout the state. The remaining seats, in each lower district, aregiven to the party that has also the plurality of total votes, in this lowerdistrict, only if this party has achieved the plurality of total valid votesthroughout the state. For the remaining chairs, the rate of the aggregatesuffrages divided by the remaining count of chairs are calculated. Parties aregiven as very chairs as they have won quotas (Hare). Any remaining chairs aregiven to the party with the maximum percentage of suffrages in the nation Distribution of Seats of State Deputies: The parties, whichparticipate in this distribution, are those who took part in the secondarydistribution, and also the tertiary distribution.
Thus, independent candidatesare excluded. The quota is defined as the ratio of thetotal votes in the nation of the parties participating in this distributiondivided by 12 (Hare quota). For the remaining seats the d’ Hondt rule, isapplied. A new legislative framework was introduced in 1990 and wasused in the general election of 1993 and 1996, 2000 and 2004. There has been anincrease in the number of major voters and voting has been resumed.
Apart fromthat, most of the orders of the presidency were restored. There was also achange in the number of party candidates and cross-over. And new thresholdswere introduced for parliamentary chairs. In general, the 1990 electoral systemformally restored ‘reinforced’ proportional representation as the officialelectoral system in Greece; but, like in all past election years, the’reinforced’ proportionality appeared slightly changed. The changes introducedby the rule were included in the presidential decree defining the legislativeframework for the election of members of parliament.After a decade, Greece succeeded in achieving the mainobjective of economic goal and monetary stability and fulfilled the criteria ofthe Maastricht treaty even last. 1996-2000 Parliamentary elections were held inthe 2000 elections, although the Simitis government was seen as a majorsuccess.
The 2000 election proved one of the most controversial of post-warGreek election history. For this reason, election results can be seen as areversal of the tendency that emerges in the mid-90s, when the emergence of newpolitical parties and their rise. The polarization of the party systemconfirmed the recent parliamentary elections in March 2004 again. The powerbalance between the two main parties recorded in previous elections reversed.The return of power to the NATO party at this time can be seen as the apparentpolitical change of the 21st-century invasion of Greece. As a matter of fact,in the conclusion of the twentieth century, both great Greek political partieshad largely overthrown their political members.The general elections for 2007 and 2009 came with a newelectoral law that went into effect on February 11, 2004.
The election law wasgiven before the March 2004 elections. It was not used in 2004 but was used in2007. With this new law, the new legislative framework”strengthened”, but changes in the distribution of seats were made.So the new election system automatically gave the majority of the forty-sessionpremiums to win the election.
The electoral reform did not change theparliamentary dimension, but it changed the distribution of seats. As inprevious elections, 288 deputies are elected in the lower-member electoraldistricts and 12 deputies of the State deputies with the vote of the nationalclosed-list party. Nevertheless, the forty-seat bonus continued to be givendirectly to the party, which is the biggest share of the votes. There would beno change in the distribution of the seats.
As in 2007 and 2009 generalelections, districts and districts remained the same as in 2004. A change wasmade in the number of references made in the sub-electorate province. Thethreshold is 3%. In the 2008 elections, the bonus seat has been increased from40 to 50 seats, which are divided at the national level by the multilateralparty.
For this reason, the total share of each party or party coalition ismultiplied by 250 instead of 260. The product is divided by the sum of thecurrent votes of the parties or coalitions participating in the seatallocation. The majority bonus is given to a coalition of parties provided thatthe average share of the vote of the coalition parties is greater than the voteshare of the single party with the biggest number of votes. Therefore, thenumber of seats to be distributed directly in the lower electoral districts hasbeen reduced to 238.During the election of 300 parliament members in 2009, 248elected from 56 electoral districts consisting of 48 multi and 8 singleelectoral districts were selected.
And in proportion to the number of votesfrom the party list, 12 parliamentarians were elected from the top, and eachparty took the game of their own territory. The remaining 40 seats are awardedas ‘winning’ the party. The 40 ‘award’ seat was designed to increase thestability of the government through the establishment of a single-party majoritygovernment. However, as explained before, in 2008, parliament agreed to makechanges in the election period to increase the number of awards given to thewinning party to 50. This provision could not be applied in parliamentaryelections in 2009 because the required votes were not taken. Many of the smallparties gathered by the OSCE / ODIHR EAM have criticized the award chair seatin the electoral system.
Some interviewers suggested that the system beabsolutely proportional and that the mixed model, the selection system used inGermany, be used. There were five voters in every state of the country. Thenumber of parliamentary seats allocated in each constituency will be determinedby the size of the population as specified in 2001. A deputy party or coalitionmust receive at least three percent of the nationwide votes for parliamentaryseats. Independent candidates may have received enough votes to win seats insome electoral districts.
But at least three percent of voting votes across thecountry is a major obstacle to the electoral obligation.In the 2012 elections, the parliament consists of 300deputies elected for a four-year term with a proportional system ofcompensatory seats. Seat removal is complicated; seats are calculated at thenational and also selection level, using the largest remaining Hare-quataformula. As in the 2009 elections, 238 deputies are elected through the openlist proportional representation system in 56 single and multi-member electoraldistricts and 12 “deputies acting as deputies” are elected on closedparty lists in a nationwide electoral district based on the total vote rate. Inaddition, every party is awarded 50 prizes in 2012. The system is to ensure andstrengthen the stability of the intended government.
As in 2009, OSCE / ODIHRinterventions generally support this system and the stability it provides. Theyalso expressed concern that the majority of the leading party in the currentpolitical environment failed to achieve and that the margins between the firstand second parties were low. As a result, no independent candidates have beenelected to the parliament since the adoption of the electoral system by the lawadopted in 2004. Therefore, candidates wishing to be elected are obliged tojoin political parties or coalitions. It was considered to decrease the numberof independent candidates for these candidates to be selected in accordancewith OSCE commitments and international standards. The number of seats in eachelectoral district varied according to the population of each region. And everyten years these seats were being updated.
The last census was held in 2011. OnJanuary 1, 2011, new administrative departments were brought into thecountryside. Now there are 72 regional units corresponding to the old towns exceptthe Athens region and the islands.
So the boundaries of the electoral groupscorrespond to the boundaries of the administrative territory. The newadministrative system did not address the question of the long-running votersin some urban areas.According to the Greek Constitution, parliament should bedissolved within 10 days and the early general election should be held becauseof the election of the President in the third round.Nevertheless, the experience of the 6 July 2015 referendumthat shook Greek politics, divided Greek society and produced a result whichthe Tsipras government failed to respect may advise not only against theproliferation of referendums as a political instrument but even against theiruse within the limits of the current constitution.
The polarized nature ofGreek politics has been considered to be one of the key reasons for the failureof the Greek political system to respond to the crisis that has befallen uponthe country since 2009. While other countries that were similarly hit, such asIreland, Portugal, and Spain, could address the crisis through coalitiongovernments that took unpopular reform decisions and were able to reverse therecession, Greece was caught in a vicious circle of populist promises byleading opposition parties that minimized public tolerance towards unpopularreforms and facilitated their rise to power, but made a complete reversal onpromises inevitable once in power. This further undermined trust in Greekpolitics. Lastly, thereis no change in the Greece electoral system in 2015, as in other years,election threshold 3, the government needs to get 151 seats for the formationof the government, there are 300 seats in parliament.
And finally,voting age starts at 18.