The third constant of modern human civilization I wantto describe is school education.Usually for more than a decade, modern humans are integrated into this systemfor several hours every day, which, in most of its manifestations, combines thesimplest mechanisms of classicalconditioning in such an obvious way, that I am very surprised by how seldomthe concept of schooling is criticized. Despite being an extremely necessarypart of human progress, the institutional education though schooling can alsolead to severe faith crises. Firstly by the simple matter of the fact that wheneconomic development is poor, the rewarding process can end abruptly as peopleoften go straight from school into unemployment.
But also, secondly, by theideology of enlightenment, whichrelates knowledge and insight to a better, more moral society (cf. also Adorno,1969). The sheer incomprehensibility of the vast knowledge of humankind and thedivision of knowledge (cf. Douglas, 2014), however, put a quick end to this beliefat least for those who are educated in the tertiary sector. Modernization andglobalization accelerate the prevalence of this disappointment.
Whereas a doctor of philosophy, in the 18thcentury, used to be a scholar who has such a broad understanding of his field,that he could draw moral and philosophical conclusions which go beyond thescope of his field, 21st century Ph.D-programs focus on rapidlyshrinking parts of the whole. Whereas higher education usually prevents thebelief in conspiracy theories (cf. Prooijen, 2017), the impossibility tounderstand everything and the decreasing reward we receive by knowing somethingcan result in another wave of escapism into the world of conspiracy theories. It can as well be argued, in this context that thereare more constants of modern human civilization – for example nationalism and religion. Nationalismplays a significant role mostly in the political discourse, because thepredominant shape of the organization of power is the nation state. Nationalism is, thus, indeed implied in most parts of the political discourse, i.
e. it is hardlypossible to participate in the public political discussion of any nationwithout accepting implications of nationalism1. The functioning mechanismof religion, on the other hand, isvery ambivalent and would be extremely difficult to elaborate on in detail. Inthe light of the history of European authoritarianism, the relationship betweenreligion and secularization certainly deserves a clearer focus, given thecircumstance that the anti-Semitic ideology is based to a considerable part onreligiously motivated anti-Jewish attitudes which were decontextualized from their religious frame and, thus, radicalized,as Adorno and Horkheimer note:1 In the same course, indeed, the nationalist implications of this study should also be criticallyquestioned, since, by its very conceptualization it refers to the entity ofnation states, whose systemic independence from each other is implied more orless in the entire field of comparative political science and though theideology of political realism.